Words in Print: Primo Levi – Book Review by Victor Brombert – “174517”, The New York Times Book Review, January 24, 1999 [Andrea Ventura and Tullio Pericoli]

Victor Brombert’s review of Myriam Anissimov’s biography of Primo Levi, Primo Levi – Tragedy of an Optimist, appeared as the cover review (not “cover article” as such, I guess!) of the January 24, 1999 edition of The New York Times Book Review.  As such, the review presents a bold portrait of Levi by Italian artist (and sometime Berlin resident) Andrea Ventura, and a whimsical sketch of Levi by Tullio Pericoli, whose variations on a theme of another sketch of Levi can be viewed here.  

Professor Brombert’s concluding paragraph has as much relevance in 2020 as it did in 1999:

“The deeper message of Levi goes beyond the honesty, dignity and self-respect of his testimony.  It demonstrates humanistic pride in the power of words and in the human struggle against matter.  It speaks of the essential fragility of human institutions and of tragedy when they are allowed to collapse.  For without civilized institutions, human nature is naked and raw.”

________________________________________

174517
A biography of the Italian chemist who survived Auschwitz to bear witness to the Holocaust.

PRIMO LEVI
Tragedy of an Optimist.
By Myriam Anissimov.
Translated by Steve Cox.
Illustrated.  452 pp.  Woodstock, N.Y.:
The Overlook Press.  $37.95.

By Victor Brombert

The New York Times Book Review
January 24, 1999

Illustration by Andrea Ventura

THE voice of Primo Levi (1919-87) is perhaps the most moving to have come out of the hell of the Nazi death camps.  Its special resonance has much to do with tragic paradoxes at the core of his work.  Levi wanted to speak for those who did not survive, yet he questioned his trustworthiness as a witness.  He saw it as a sacred duty to tell the story of those who had reached the bottom of abjection, but considered himself unworthy, even guilty, because he came out alive.  He felt compelled to denounce the horrors perpetrated, but preferred to understand rather than judge.  At Auschwitz he had stared into the face of irrational cruelty, but he did not give up his optimistic faith in rationality.  After the lager, or camp, there was no way for him to believe in divine providence.  Yet the same man who referred to the stories that emerged from the camps as a “new Bible” ended up committing suicide.

Sketch by Tullio Pericoli

When Myriam Anissimov’s biography of him appeared in France in 1996, it was hailed as an important event.  It was the first full-length account of the salient episodes of Levi’s life: his growing awareness of the personal threat of Fascism, his capture by the Fascist militia in a Resistance hideout in the Alps, his deportation to Auschwitz, his liberation a year later by Soviet troops, the railway odyssey of his return to his native Turin, his work as a chemist and then as the manager of a chemical factory, his gradual emergence as a major writer and intellectual figure.  Anissimov’s book, now appearing in a shortened English translation, provides a serious, lively, at times fervently told story that is always sympathetic to Levi’s shy personality and restrained tone.

Anissimov is at her best evoking Levi’s gentleness, his somewhat puritanical and introverted reserve, his compulsion to talk about what he saw and suffered in the camp.  She deals perceptively with his rude awakening to anti-Semitism in the late years of Mussolini’s rule, when the unexpected racial laws of 1938 stunned not only Italian Jews (some of whom had been loyal Fascists since the early days of the regime) but most other Italians as well.  Levi belonged to a thoroughly assimilated, well-to-do Piedmontese Jewish family.  Like most of his friends, he attended the liceo classico, and then obtained a doctorate in chemistry.  (This later saved him from the gas chambers at Auschwitz when he was put to work as a specialized slave laborer in a laboratory.)  His cultural references were Dante and Manzoni, even Melville and Conrad, rather than Jewish lore, with which he was altogether unfamiliar.  Auschwitz, with Yiddish as the dominant language, was for him a culture shock.

Levi’s background helps explain why, at one of the high moments in “Survival in Auschwitz” (the correct title is “If This Is a Man”), he refers at length to the 26th canto of Dante’s “Inferno,” dealing with the figure of Ulysses, and describes his own victorious struggle to reconstitute in his mind half-forgotten lines of poetry.  Some readers might have wondered why a Jewish victim of the Shoah should have turned to a medieval Christian poem when bearing witness to a collective atrocity that could not possibly be justified in theological or poetic terms.  But for Levi the recourse to Dante’s poem in order to teach Italian to a French-speaking Alsatian fellow inmate in a German extermination camp deep inside Polish territory became a symbol of universality and of the possible survival of meaning.

Levi’s reputation is largely based on his account of the monstrous Nazi machine for reducing human beings to beasts before dispatching them to the gas chambers.  The lager is described as a geometric nightmare filled with the cries of hunger and pain in all the languages of Europe.  With a sobriety made more sharply painful by occasional humor, Levi depicts the unspeakable: the deportation of entire families in sealed wagons, the beatings, the gruesome work, the cold and filth, the merciless struggle for survival, the “selections” for extermination.  But Levi’s most original contribution, later elaborated in “The Drowned and the Saved,” is the analysis of what he called the “gray zone,” the contaminating conditions under which victims are tempted into becoming accomplices in the atrocities committed against them.

The existence of such a gray zone is corrosive of moral values and moral choices.  To be a victim does not exclude guilt.  Levi deals lucidly with a particularly dehumanizing reality of the camps, where the SS structured a hierarchy of violence that delegated to selected prisoners, known as Kapos, arbitrary and often homicidal power over others.  At the lowest rung of this hierarchy of degradation were the Sonderkommando squads of Jews forced to stoke the crematoriums with the gassed Jewish victims.

It has been suggested that Levi’s love of science and his training as a chemist explain his disposition to observe, describe and analyze under the most appalling circumstances.  His faith in rational understanding led him to view the lager experience, in his own terms, as a “gigantic biological and social experiment.”  He detected fundamental truths about human nature in the social structures of the camp, claiming that this “cruel laboratory” was a “ferocious sociological observatory.”  He concluded, hoping not to be misunderstood, that for him and others the lager, the camp, “had been a university.”  Rather than indulge in self-pity, Levi preferred to exercise, perhaps as a form of self-preservation, an anthropologist’s curiosity.  Throughout his life, he retained his faith in the clarity of thinking, his reverence for language and communication.  His love of philology went along with a durable distaste for obscure writing.  In “Other People’s Trades” he denounced the cult of the ineffable and of hermetic literature as a form of suicide.

IT is not easy to write a biography of an author whose books are largely autobiographical.  Paraphrase is a constant danger.  But Anissimov has done conscientious research and provides valuable background on the Jewish community in Turin, the details of camp brutalities (about which Levi is himself often reticent), the involvement of the industrial empire I.G. Farben in the exploitation of cheap slave labor in the camps, the slow recognition in Italy of Levi’s literary accomplishments.  She makes sound use of interviews and newspaper accounts.  And she can be moving, as when she recounts the last night 650 Jews spent in the Italian transit camp in Fossoli di Carpi before they were deported by the Germans.

This important book is not always served well by Steve Cox’s translation.  Rendering into English a study written in French about an author who wrote in Italian poses certain problems.  It does not help that the English version makes cuts, and often reshuffles the materials in an obvious effort to shorten the original at the risk of producing discontinuities.  Even more damaging are the liberties taken with the text by sometimes adding parts of sentences to what the author said, or by making her say what she did not say.

Levi’s range is wider than is generally known.  He wrote some poetry – not technically ambitious, but expressive in a dark mood of the recurrent anguish and anger of the survivor.  In addition to the two books devoted to the death camp experience and to the colorful narrative of his homeward journey through Eastern Europe in “The Reawakening” (better translated as “The Truce”), he has written short stories (“Moments of Reprieve”), cautionary tales in the form of science fiction (“The Sixth Day and Other Tales”), two significant novels (“If Not Now, When?” – a colorful story of Jewish guerrilla fighters in the forests of Belarus – and “The Wrench,” about the epic technological adventures of an expert rigger), as well as an un-classifiable masterpiece, “The Periodic Table,” which blends autobiographical elements with a humorous essayistic fantasy.

LEVI led an essentially sedentary existence.  Auschwitz had been the one adventure of his life.  After his return to Turin, he continued to live in the apartment where he was born, and he died in the same building.  He remained attached to his Piedmontese roots and his Italian heritage.  Like most Italian Jews, he continued to feel at home among his countrymen, the vast majority of whom were not anti-Semitic and who, even in the darkest moments of the war, had shown much humaneness.  But he had learned to be critical, retrospectively, of political blindness.  He deplored the lethargy of his generation, which had viewed Fascism with distaste and ineffectual irony without actively opposing it.  Auschwitz taught him a political lesson.  It also taught him a great deal about the broader community of Jews, especially the almost eradicated Ashkenazi culture of Eastern Europe, which he came to admire.  Before writing “If Not Now, When?” he set out to learn Yiddish.

His eagerness to listen and understand has appeared to some as a limitation.  His generally optimistic stance, it is true, does not seem to come to grips with the irrational.  But his hope that problems can be solved by good will and reason also explains his deep frustration, even despair, as he began to realize that the younger generation no longer wanted to listen to him.  His depression over revisionist denials and the impossibility of a meaningful dialogue with the young may be related to his suicidal impulse, though Anissimov is ever so delicate about suggesting any clear causal relation.

The deeper message of Levi goes beyond the honesty, dignity and self-respect of his testimony.  It demonstrates humanistic pride in the power of words and in the human struggle against matter.  It speaks of the essential fragility of human institutions and of tragedy when they are allowed to collapse.  For without civilized institutions, human nature is naked and raw.  In that sense, Levi was hardly a naive optimist.  And we might do well to ponder the warning given in his last book, “The Drowned and the Saved,” of how stripped we are when we allow the ideology of death to take over: “Reason, art and poetry are no help in deciphering a place from which they have been banished.”

Victor Brombert teaches romance and comparative literatures at Princeton University.  His new book, “In Praise of Antiheroes,” will be published this spring.

Words in Print: Primo Levi – Retrospective by Irving Howe – “The Utter Sadness of the Survivor”, The New York Times Book Review, January 10, 1988

After the publication of John Gross’ review of Primo Levi’s The Drowned and the Saved in the “weekday” New York Times on January 5, 1988, Irving Howe’s review of the book appeared the following Sunday, in the New York Times Book Review.  Given the very format of the Review, Howe was by definition able to delve at length into Levi’s biography and origins as a writer, and draw upon the book’s text to discuss the “world” described by Levi – the world physical; the world psychological; a world inexpressible but consequently demanding expression – of existence in Germany’s concentration camp system. 

In the conclusion of his review, Howe makes passing reference to the book’s brevity.  This is true: it’s not that long in terms of measured length, but its power, attributable to Levi’s literary skill in confronting personal experiences and historical events – the nature of which can neither be captured in words nor by accepted “wisdom” – is inversely related to its size.

Howe’s review also includes a portrait of Levi by a photographer surnamed “Giansanti”. 

“…Levi sternly rejects the cant of those high-minded folk who in the name of universal guilt blur the distinction between murderers and victims. “I do not know and it does not much interest me to know, whether in my depths there lurks a murderer, but I do know that I was a guiltless victim and I was not a murderer.  I know that the murderers existed.””

________________________________________

The Utter Sadness of the Survivor
By Irving Howe

THE DROWNED AND THE SAVED
By Primo Levi.

Translated by Raymond Rosenthal.
203 pp.  New York:
Summit Books.  $17.95.

The New York Times Book Review
January 10, 1988

Photograph by Giansanti (Sygma)

TO the vast literature on the Holocaust, this modest little book forms no more than a footnote.  But it’s a precious footnote – a series of ripe meditations about the experience of Auschwitz, where the Italian-Jewish writer Primo Levi worked as a slave laborer during the Second World War.

Shortly before his suicide last April, Primo Levi remarked that in writing about “the tragic world” of the camps he hoped to avoid the frayed rhetoric of pathos or revenge; he chose instead to “assume the calm, sober language of the witness.” His new and final book, in Raymond Rosenthal’s lucid translation, employs exactly that language: humane, disciplined and, in its final impact, utterly sad.

Born in 1919, Primo Levi grew up in a cultivated middle-class Jewish family in Turin.  As a youth he knew very little about Jewishness: it seemed “a cheerful little anomaly”‘ for someone living in a Catholic country.  Young Levi trained to become a chemist, and would in fact work at that profession for most of his life.  All might have gone smoothly, in pleasant bourgeois fashion, but for a sudden blow which disrupted his life and career in the late 1930’s: Mussolini, the brutal clown who ruled Italy, began to copy the anti-Semitic obscenities of his friend Hitler.

Levi’s life was torn apart, his mind opened up.  He learned about the tiny nuclei of anti-Fascists in Milan and in 1934, after laboring at various nondescript jobs, he joined a group of partisans in the hills of Piedmont.  Betrayed by an informer, the group was soon captured and Levi, questioned by the Fascist police, admitted to being a Jew, “partly out of fatigue but partly out of a sudden …  surge of haughty pride.” In February 1944 he was handed over to the Nazis and shipped off to Auschwitz in a “railroad convoy [that] contained 650 persons; of these 525 were immediately put to death.” It was only Levi’s skill as a chemist, plus a measure of luck, that enabled him to live through the ordeal of Auschwitz.

After his liberation Levi wrote two books, now acknowledged classics, about his imprisonment in the camps: “Survival in Auschwitz” (1947) (the Italian title was “Se Questo E un Uomo” or “If This Is a Man”) and “The Reawakening” (1963) (“La Tregua” or “The Truce”).  These summonings of memory reveal a touch of the scientist’s training in precise description: they are also notable for delicacy of style.  “The Drowned and the Saved,” while a smaller work, represents Levi’s concluding effort to understand an experience that, as he had himself often indicated, must finally seem beyond the reach of human understanding: an evil so vast, systematic and sadistic that no available theory about the nature of evil can cope with it.

About the death camps Levi asks: “Were we witnessing the rational development of an inhuman plan or a manifestation (unique in history and still unsatisfactorily explained) of collective madness? Logic intent on evil or the absence of logic?” His answer, necessarily, is: both.

The “apotheosis of the German race,” that corrupt fantasy with which the Nazis soiled the imagination of so many of their countrymen, prepared the ground for “the Final Solution,” while the madness with which the Nazi leaders infected their followers enabled the SS to perform mass murders.  Logic and anti-logic, ideology and insanity, rationality and sadism: all came together as Hitler led the scum of the earth to power.  Yet it should also be remembered that the bohemian hooligans, demi-intellectuals and street thugs who formed the Nazi cadres were able to draw on a powerful tradition of German big business, and found sustenance in a popular demonology that had long encrusted European Christianity.

One of Levi’s most striking chapters, entitled “Useless Violence,” details the cruelty of the camp overlords which seemingly had no purpose other than, perhaps, the pleasure that can come to some human beings from tormenting others.  With his gift for the exact detail, Levi describes this “useless violence” – from the terrors of the train transports to the humiliations of strip-pings, beatings, endless roll calls, tattoos and torture.  It turns out, however, that from the Nazi point of view this “useless violence” was not quite useless.  Asked by an interrogator, “Considering that you were going to kill them all …  what was the point of the humiliations, the cruelties?” the former commandant of the Treblinka camp, Franz Stangl, answered: “To condition those who were to be the material executors of the operations.” (In plain English, that meant those who would man the gas chambers.) As Levi puts it, “Before dying the victim must be degraded, so that the murderer will be less burdened by guilt.” This was “the sole usefulness of useless violence.”

Nazi logic was clear.  Systematically to dehumanize both guards and prisoners meant to create a realm of subjugation no longer responsive to the common norms of civilized society; and from this very process they had set in motion, the Nazis could then “conclude” that indeed Jews were not human.  The Nazi enterprise drew upon, it could not be undertaken without, sadism; but at least among the leaders it was to be distinguished from commonplace sadism.  It rested upon an abstract rage, the most terrible of all rages.

Bravely, without flinching, Levi confronts the consequences of this Nazi logic: that the dehumanization of the victims had to be enacted by the victims themselves, within their own ranks.  In a troubling sentence he writes: “It is naive, absurd, and historically false to believe that an infernal system” such as the Nazis created in the camps “sanctifies its victims: on the contrary, it degrades them, it makes them resemble itself.”

Step by step Levi shows how the humiliating stratification within the camps depended on a series of small “privileges” – small, but often making the difference between life and death.  There was the “ritual entry” by which a new prisoner was dazed into submission.  There were the little “jobs” which gave a minority of prisoners a bit of extra nourishment.  There were the “better” jobs occupied by “low-ranking functionaries, a picturesque fauna: sweepers, kettle washers, night watchmen, bed smoothers (who exploited to their minuscule advantage the German fixation about bunks made up flat and square), checkers of lice and scabies, messengers, interpreters, assistants’ assistants.  In general, they were poor devils like ourselves who worked full time like everyone else but who for an extra half-liter of soup were willing to carry out these …  functions.” Such prisoners could be “coarse and arrogant, but they were not regarded as enemies.”

Moral judgment becomes more “delicate” with regard to those who occupied seemingly more advantageous positions: the barracks chiefs; the clerks, sometimes complicit in dreadful things, sometimes manipulating SS officers to soften a blow or spare a life; and the Kapos of labor battalions, brutes with the power of life and death over fellow prisoners.

Who became a Kapo? Common criminals.  Political prisoners “broken by five or ten years of sufferings.” “Jews who saw in the particle of authority being offered them the only possible escape from ‘the final solution.’“ And finally, grimly, “power was sought by the many among the oppressed who had been contaminated by their oppressors and unconsciously strove to identify with them.”

Levi hesitates to judge, dealing compassionately with the “gray cases,” those wretched prisoners who worked for and, if they could, against the Nazis.  Even with regard to the Sonderkommandos (the details assigned to dispose of corpses in the gas chambers), Levi tries to maintain a balance of response that may be beyond human capacity: “I believe that no one is authorized to judge them, not those who lived through the [camp] experience and even less those who did not.” And indeed, since most of these poor creatures also ended in the gas chambers, what is the point of judging them? The 20th century has taught us there are situations so extreme that it becomes immoral to make moral judgments about those who have had to confront them.

AT the same time, Levi sternly rejects the cant of those high-minded folk who in the name of universal guilt blur the distinction between murderers and victims.  “I do not know and it does not much interest me to know, whether in my depths there lurks a murderer, but I do know that I was a guiltless victim and I was not a murderer.  I know that the murderers existed.”

Primo Levi’s little book offers more of value, especially a discussion of the shame and guilt felt by survivors of the camps.  Let me, however, turn to Levi’s concluding essay, in which he recounts the correspondence he conducted with a number of Germans who read his early books about the camps and then troubled to write him.  These were by no means the worst of the Germans; quite the contrary.  Yet one grows a little sick at reading their pleas of extenuation, sometimes their whining evasions.  Of course these correspondents don’t defend the Nazis, but rarely do they confront the crucial question: How was it possible that so many Germans could vote for and then yield themselves to the Nazis?

With unruffled dignity Levi answers his correspondents, pointing out, for example, that the claim of “not having known” is often impossible to believe; that anti-Semitism, far from being a Nazi invention, was deeply imbedded in German culture; and that there are clear cases of complicity – “no one forced the Topf Company (flourishing today in Wiesbaden) to build the enormous multiple crematoria…”

Whoever has come under the sway of Primo Levi’s luminous mind and lovely prose will feel pained at the realization that we shall not be hearing from him again.  At a time when the Holocaust, like almost everything else in our culture, has been subjected to the vulgarity of public relations, Primo Levi wrote about this most terrible event with a purity of spirit for which we can only feel grateful.  This was a man.

Both in the Same Trap

I intend to examine here the memories of extreme experiences, of injuries suffered or inflicted….

Here, as with other phenomena, we are dealing with a paradoxical analogy between victim and oppressor, and we are anxious to be clear: both are in the same trap, but it is the oppressor, and he alone, who has prepared it and activated it, and if he suffers from this, it is right that he should suffer; and it is iniquitous that the victim should suffer from it, as he does indeed suffer from it, even at a distance of decades.  Once again it must be observed, mournfully, that the injury cannot be healed: it extends through time, and the Furies, in whose existence we are forced to believe, not only rack the tormentor…  but perpetuate the tormentor’s work by denying peace to the tormented.

From “The Drowned and the Saved.”

Irving Howe has most recently co-edited “The Penguin Book of Modern Jewish Verse.”